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Shortly after I left the White House, I was boarding the USAir shuttle in Washington for New York when an airline employee stopped me to say that his stepfather had just told him he had served in the war with my father and had liked him very much. I asked for the old vet’s phone number and address, and the man said he didn’t have it but would get it to me. I’m still waiting, hoping there will be one more human connection to my father.
At the end of my presidency, I picked a few special places to say goodbye and thanks to the American people. One of them was Chicago, where Hillary was born; where I all but clinched the Democratic nomination on St. Patrick’s Day 1992; where many of my most ardent supporters live and many of my most important domestic initiatives in crime, welfare, and education were proved effective; and, of course, where my parents went to live after the war. I used to joke with Hillary that if my father hadn’t lost his life on that rainy Missouri highway, I would have grown up a few miles from her and we probably never would have met. My last event was in the Palmer House Hotel, scene of the only photo I have of my parents together, taken just before Mother came back to Hope in 1946. After the speech and the good-byes, I went into a small room where I met a woman, Mary Etta Rees, and her two daughters. She told me she had grown up and gone to high school with my mother, then had gone north to Indiana to work in a war industry, married, stayed, and raised her children. Then she gave me another precious gift: the letter my twenty-three-year-old mother had written on her birthday to her friend, three weeks after my father’s death, more than fifty-four years earlier. It was vintage Mother. In her beautiful hand, she wrote of her heartbreak and her determination to carry on: “It seemed almost unbelievable at the time but you see I am six months pregnant and the thought of our baby keeps me going and really gives me the whole world before me.”
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Barak to the famous Civil War battlefield at nearby Gettysburg. It lightened them up, but
nothing happened between them. Shlomo Ben-Ami and Amnon Shahak, himself a former
general, had good talks with Mohammed Dahlan and Mohamed Rashid, but they were the
most forward leaning of their respective groups; even if they agreed on everything, they
probably couldn’t get their leaders on board.
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I returned on the thirteenth day of discussions, and we worked all night again, mostly on
security issues. Then we did it again on the fourteenth day, going well past 3 a.m. before
giving up when effective control over the Temple Mount and all East Jerusalem was not
enough for Arafat without the word “sovereignty.” In a last-ditch effort I offered to try to sell
Barak on full sovereignty for East Jerusalem’s outer neighborhoods, limited sovereignty over
the inner ones, and “custodial” sovereignty over the Haram. Again Arafat said no. I shut down
the talks. It was frustrating and profoundly sad. There was little difference between the two
sides on how the affairs of Jerusalem would actually be handled; it was all about who got to
claim sovereignty.
I issued a statement saying I had concluded that the parties could not reach agreement at this
time given the historical, religious, political, and emotional dimensions of the conflict. To
give Barak some cover back home and indicate what had occurred, I said that while Arafat
had made clear that he wanted to stay on the path of peace, Barak had shown “particular
courage, vision, and an understanding of the historical importance of this moment.”
I said that the two delegations had shown each other a genuine respect and understanding
unique in my eight years of peacemaking around the world, and for the first time had openly
discussed the most sensitive matters in dispute. We now had a better idea of each side’s
bottom line and I still believed we had a chance to reach an agreement before the year was
out.
Arafat had wanted to continue the negotiations, and on more than one occasion had
acknowledged that he was unlikely to get a future Israeli government or American team so
committed to peace. It was hard to know why he had moved so little. Perhaps his team really
hadn’t worked through the hard compromises; perhaps they wanted one session to see how
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much they could squeeze out of Israel before showing their hand. For whatever reasons, they
had left Barak exposed in a precarious political situation. It was not for nothing that he was
the most decorated soldier in the history of Israel. For all his brusque bullheadedness, he had
taken great risks to win a more secure future for Israel. In my remarks to the press, I assured
the people of Israel that he had done nothing to compromise their security and said they
should be very proud of him.
Arafat was famous for waiting until the very last minute to make a decision, or “five minutes
to midnight” as we used to say. I had only six months to go as President. I certainly hoped
Arafat’s watch kept good time.
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afterward, they voted for a resolution asking me to stop enforcing it. Though I got along with Shelby well enough, I thought he was far off base in holding up Lake’s confirmation and unnecessarily hampering the operations of the CIA. Tony had somstrong Republican supporters, including Senator Lugar, and would have been voted out of committee and confirmed had it not been for Shelby, but he was
it
o; in
e
worn down after working
seventy- and eighty-hour weeks for four years. And he didn’t want to risk hurting the CIA
ar if
d
f the
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ed
home wasn’t an option. Yeltsin had
been reelected and NATO was about to vote to admit Poland, Hungary, and the Czech
Republic; we had to have an agreement on how to proceed.
The flight was long and uncomfortable, but the time passed quickly as I discussed with Strobe
Talbott and the rest of the team what we could do to help Yeltsin live with NATO expansion,
including getting Russia into the G-7 and the World Trade Organization. At a dinner that
night hosted by President Martti Ahtisaari of Finland, I was glad to see Yeltsin in good spirits
and apparently recovering from open-heart surgery. He had lost a lot of weight and was still
pale, but he was back to his old buoyant and aggressive self.
The next morning we got down to business. When I told Boris I wanted NATO both to
expand and to sign an agreement with Russia, he asked me to commit secretly—in his words,
“in a closet”—to limiting future NATO expansion to the Warsaw Pact nations, thus excluding
the states of the former Soviet Union, like the Baltics and Ukraine. I said I couldn’t do that
because, first of all, it wouldn’t remain secret, and doing so would undermine the credibility
of the Partnership for Peace. Nor would it be in America’s or Russia’s interest. NATO’s
governing mission was no longer directed against Russia but against the new threats to peace
and stability in Europe. I pointed out that a declaration that NATO would stop its expansion
with the Warsaw Pact nations would be tantamount to announcing a new dividing line in
Europe, with a smaller Russian empire. That would make Russia look weaker, not stronger,
whereas a NATO-Russia agreement would boost Russia’s standing. I also urged Yeltsin not to
foreclose the possibility of future Russian membership.
Yeltsin was still afraid of the domestic reaction to expansion. At one point when we were
alone, I asked, “Boris, do you really think I would allow NATO to attack Russia from bases in
Poland?” “No,” he replied, “I don’t, but a lot of older people who live in the western part of
Russia and listen to Zyuganov do.” He reminded me that, unlike the United States, Russia had
been invaded twice—by Napoleon and by Hitler—and the trauma of those events still colored
the country’s collective psychology and shaped its politics. I told Yeltsin that if he would
agree to NATO expansion and the NATO-Russia partnership, I would make a commitment
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not to station troops or missiles in the new member countries prematurely, and to support
with further delays. If it had been up to me, I would have carried on the fight for a yethat’s what it took to get a vote. But I could see Tony had had enough. Two days later I nominated George Tenet, the acting CIA director who had been John Deutch’s deputy anbefore that had served as my senior aide for intelligence on the NSC, and staff director oSenate Intelligence Committee. He was confirmed easily, but I still regret the raw deal handto Lake, who had given thirty years to advancing America’sReligion oil painting ,
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diminished as well.
s
.
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a
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e
tion.
e
408 files to the White House. A few days
al
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Mediterranean oil paintinguled my emphasis on what they called “small bore” issues like curfews, uniforms, character education programs, and the V-chip, saying it was all politics, as well as a reflection of my inability to pass big programs in the Republican Congress. That wasinaccurate. At the time, we were also implementing the large education and crime programpassed in my first two years, and I had another major education initiative before CongressBut I knew that federal money and laws could only give Americans the tools to make their lives better; the real changes still had to be effected by citizens at the grassroots level. Partly as a result of our promotion of school uniforms, more and more school districts embraced them, with positiv
On June 12, I was in Greeleyville, South Carolina, to dedicate the new Mount Zion African Methodist Episcopal Church, after the congregation’s old church had been burned. Less than week earlier, a church in Charlotte, North Carolina, had become the thirtieth black church tobe burned in the previous eighteen months. The whole black community in America was in uproar and expected me to do something about it. I endorsed bipartisan legislation to make easier for federal prosecutors to punish those who burn houses of worship, and pledged federal loan guarantees to support low-interest loans for the rebuilding efforts. The church burnings seemed to feed off one another, much as a rash of synagogue defacem
1992. They weren’t connected by a conspiracy, but by a contagion of the heart, a hatred of those who are different. During this time, I also had to acknowledge a problem in my White HouseStreetscape oil painting,
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operation so severthat I felt it was the first issue of my administration that merited an independent investiga
In early June, news reports revealed that three years earlier, in 1993, my White House Officof Personnel Security had obtained from the FBI hundreds of FBI file summaries on peoplewho had been cleared for entry into the Bush and Reagan White Houses. The files had been obtained when the office was attempting to replace security files on current White House employees, since those files had been taken away by the departing Bush administration for deposit in the BushPainting From Photo ,
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Seascape oil painting, Library. The White House had no business possessing confidential FBI reports on Republicans. I was outraged when I heard about it. On June 9, Leon Panetta and I apologized for the incident. Within a week, Louis Freeh announced that the FBI had wrongly turned over
later, Janet Reno asked Ken Starr to investigate the files case. In 2000, the OIC found that theincident had been simply a mistake. The White House had not engaged in any kind of politicespionage—the Secret Service had given the Personnel Security Office an outdated list of White House employees, which included Republicans’ names, and this was the list that had
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oil painting reproductions,been sent to the White House. Late in June, at the annual Gore family conference in Nashville, I called for an expansion of the family leave law to allow people to take up to twenty-four hours a year, or three more workdays, to attend parent-teacher conferences at their children’s school or to take their children, or a spouse, or their parents for routine medical care. The problem of balancing work and family was weighing heavily on me because of the toll iwas taking on the White House. Bill Galston, a brilliant member of the Domestic Policy
584
TO
ased that fear and given the
Serbs a free hand in eastern Bosnia. The situation was slightly better in central and western
he UN
ad
ed our ability to push for more aggressive action. At the meeting, the ministers
eventually accepted a proposal developed by Warren Christopher and his team to “draw a line
he
ding
osevic would intervene to save the Krajina Serbs, but I was rooting for the
Croatians. So was Helmut Kohl, who knew, as I did, that diplomacy could not succeed until
, which
urvive. We had also authorized a private company to use retired U.S. military
personnel to improve and train the Croatian army.
s
upport
d they
n
ed a report on my
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we launched the diplomatic mission, the Senate followed the House in voting to lift the arms
embargo and I vetoed the bill to give our effort a chance. Lake and Tarnoff immediately took
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in the sand” around Gorazde and to remove the “dual key” decision making that had given tUN veto authority over NATO action. The London conference was a turning point; from then on, NATO would be much more assertive. Not long afterward, the NATO commander, General George Joulwan, and our NATO ambassador, Robert Hunter, succeeded in extenthe Gorazde rules to the Sarajevo safe area.
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Portraits oil painting ,come to the aid of the Krajina Serbs, and Croatian forcetook Krajina with little resistance. It was the first defeat for the Serbs in four years, and it changed both the balance of power on the ground and the psychology of all the parties. One Western diplomat in Croatia was quoted as saying, “There was almost a signal of sfrom Washington. The Americans have been spoiling for a chance to hit the Serbs, anare using Croatia as their proxy to do the deed for them.” On August 4, in a visit with veteraABC News correspondent Sam Donaldson at the National Institutes of Health, where he was recovering from cancer surgery, I acknowledged that the Croatian offensive could proveReligion oil painting ,
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In an effort to capitalize on the shift in momentum, I sent Tony Lake and Undersecretary of State Peter Tarnoff to Europe (including Russia) to present a framework for peace that Lake had developed and to have (...) Holbrooke lead a team to begin a last-ditch effort to negotiaan end to the conflict with the Bosnians and Milosevic, who claimed not to control the Bosnian Serbs, though everyone knew they could n
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記者:請您先容一下中國遭受?W?j黑客攻擊的情?r。
工信部?l言人ugg boots:我國政府高度正視互聯?W的?l展?c治理。自1994年互聯?W正式引入我國以來,經由十幾年快速?l展,互聯?W已經成為我國重要的社會基?A?e措措施,為促?M經濟社會更好更快?l展施展了重要作用。但是,同世界其他國家一樣,我國互聯?W始?K面對著黑客攻擊、?W?j病毒等違法犯罪流動的嚴峻威脅。佔有?P抽樣數據?@示,?H2009年我國被境外控制的計算?CIP地址就?_100多?f個,被黑客?M織篡改的?W站多?_4.2?f個;在受?W?j病毒威脅方面,去年我國?H被『?w客』蠕?x一?N?W?j病毒感染的計算?C數目每月就?_1800?f?_,佔全球感染主?C總量的30%,位列全球第一。在上述受攻擊的計算?C中,不?H涉及大量?W民,而且涉及金融、交通、能源等多個部分,對我經濟?l展和人民正常出?a糊口造成嚴峻危害。可以?f,我國也是?W?j攻擊最大的受害者。
記者:請先容中國對?W?j黑客攻擊的立場及采取的措施。
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記者:請問我國對?W?j安全國?H合作持什?N立場?
工信部?l言人:我國?e?O致力於在?W?j安全、jordan shoes?W?j反恐等方面?_展國?H交流合作,在亞太經合?M織電信工作?M中?e?O介入安全?c繁?s工作?M的各項工作,承擔?K完成了『應對僵屍?W?j管理策略和技?g手段指南』,對國?H電信同盟正在?_展的『?W?j安全?h程』?o予了?e?O?P注和支持;自2004年起?e?O介入?c東盟各國的?W?j安全合作,多次參加東盟?M織的?W?j安全應急演練。2009年,還分?e?c東盟和上合?M織成?T國簽訂了《中國-東盟電信?O治理事會?P於?W?j安全題目的合作框架》和《上合?M織成?T國保障國?H信息安全政府?g合作?f定》。
記者:您對國?H上一些人指責『中國政府介入黑客攻擊』持何看法?
工信部?l言人:互聯?W安全題目是一個全球性題目,michael jordan shoes需要各國加強合作,共同努力。對於反對黑客攻擊的題目,中國政府的方針政策是公然透明、一以貫之的。以或明或暗的方式,指責『中國政府介入黑客攻擊』是毫?o根據的,是抹黑中國的行為,我們對此果斷反對。我願再次重申,我們願意在打擊黑客攻擊等違法犯罪方面?c世界各國?_展?V泛、深入的交流合作,?e?O?b戒世界各國的有益經驗,為建?O好、治理好互聯?W做出?e?O貢?I。
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